One market can be a knife-fight between identical firms; another is four giants watching each other and nobody moving. Structure determines conduct, and conduct determines whether consumers get a fair deal.
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The theoretical benchmark. Assumptions: many buyers and sellers, each too small to affect price; a homogeneous (identical) product; perfect information; freedom of entry and exit; no externalities; perfect factor mobility.
Evaluate it. It achieves both static efficiencies — but it is a fiction. No real market has perfect information and a genuinely homogeneous product. And because firms earn only normal profit, there is no surplus to fund R&D: perfect competition may be dynamically inefficient. Agriculture and foreign exchange are the usual real-world approximations.
A pure monopoly is a single seller. In practice a monopoly is defined by market power: the UK's legal test is a 25% market share. The monopolist is a price maker, so its demand curve slopes down and MR < AR. It profit-maximises at MC = MR, then reads the price up off the AR curve — so P > MC.
Barriers to entry are what let supernormal profit survive into the long run: legal barriers (patents, licences), huge sunk costs, economies of scale, control of an essential resource, brand loyalty built by advertising, network effects, and limit pricing (deliberately pricing below the entrant's average cost).
Costs of monopoly: output is restricted and price raised; P > MC so it is allocatively inefficient (there is a deadweight welfare loss); it does not produce at minimum AC, so it is productively inefficient; sheltered from competition, costs drift upward — X-inefficiency; consumer surplus is transferred to producer surplus.
Benefits of monopoly: supernormal profit can fund R&D and innovation — dynamic efficiency (Schumpeter's "creative destruction"; patents exist precisely to create temporary monopoly as a reward for invention); huge economies of scale can make a monopolist's costs so low that price is lower than under competition; and a national champion may compete globally.
Price discrimination — charging different prices to different consumers for the same good, where the difference is not due to cost. It requires (1) market power, (2) the ability to separate markets with different PEDs, and (3) no resale (seepage) between them. Charge more where demand is inelastic (peak-time rail, business flyers) and less where it is elastic (off-peak, students, advance bookings). It converts consumer surplus into producer surplus and raises profit — but it can raise output above the single-price level, allowing some consumers to be served who otherwise would not be, and cross-subsidising loss-making routes.
Natural monopoly — where economies of scale are so vast relative to demand that LRAC is still falling at the level of total market demand: one firm can supply the whole market more cheaply than two. Water pipes, the rail network, the electricity grid. Duplicating the network would waste resources. Here competition is not the answer — regulation is (RPI − X price caps, or state ownership).
The most realistic model of the high street: many firms, low barriers to entry, but a differentiated product (real or imagined) — restaurants, hairdressers, plumbers, coffee shops.
At that long-run tangency, AR is downward-sloping, so tangency occurs on the falling part of AC — the firm does not produce at minimum AC. Hence:
But evaluate: the "excess capacity" is the price of choice. Consumers demonstrably value variety, and a town with five different restaurants each running below capacity may be better off than one with a single canteen running at minimum AC. Efficiency is not the only thing that matters to welfare.
An oligopoly is a market dominated by a few large firms (UK supermarkets, banks, energy, mobile networks). The defining feature is not the number of firms but interdependence: each firm's best move depends on what it thinks the others will do.
The n-firm concentration ratio measures dominance: the combined market share of the largest n firms.
Market shares: Firm A 28%, B 22%, C 14%, D 11%, E 9%, and 20 small firms sharing the other 16%.
CR₃ = 28 + 22 + 14 = 64% CR₄ = 28 + 22 + 14 + 11 = 75%
A CR₄ of 75% is a highly concentrated market — four firms control three-quarters of it.
Behaviour:
Interdependence makes oligopoly a game. The classic is the prisoner's dilemma. Two firms each choose to keep price High (collude) or Low (cheat). Payoffs are (Firm A profit, Firm B profit) in £m:
Both High: (50, 50) — the collusive outcome, best jointly.
A Low, B High: (70, 20) — A undercuts and steals the market.
A High, B Low: (20, 70)
Both Low: (30, 30) — a price war; both worse off than colluding.
Reason it through for Firm A. If B plays High, A gets 70 by playing Low vs 50 by playing High → play Low. If B plays Low, A gets 30 by playing Low vs 20 by playing High → play Low. Low is A's dominant strategy — better whatever B does. By symmetry, Low is B's dominant strategy too.
Result: both play Low and earn (30, 30) — the Nash equilibrium. Neither can improve by unilaterally changing. Yet both would have earned 50 by colluding. Individually rational choices produce a collectively worse outcome.
This explains three things at once: why cartels are unstable (every member has a dominant strategy to cheat); why firms nonetheless try to collude; and why repeated games change the answer — if the game is played over and over, punishment strategies ("tit-for-tat") can sustain cooperation, which is why tacit collusion survives in long-lived oligopolies.
Policy hook: competition authorities offer leniency (immunity to the first cartel member to confess). That deliberately sharpens the prisoner's dilemma — and it is how most cartels are now caught.
Baumol's insight: what disciplines a firm's behaviour may not be the number of rivals in the market but the threat of entry. A market is contestable when entry and exit are cheap and easy — low barriers, and crucially low sunk costs, so a challenger can "hit and run": enter, take the supernormal profit, and leave costlessly.
Policy implication: if contestability is what matters, competition policy should focus on lowering barriers to entry (deregulation, open access to networks, banning predatory pricing) rather than simply breaking up big firms.
Monopsony deserves a mention: a single (or dominant) buyer. A supermarket chain facing thousands of small farmers can drive the price it pays below the competitive level, restricting the quantity traded — the mirror image of monopoly, and a source of allocative inefficiency in its own right. (You will meet it again as an employer in the labour market.)
The examinable judgement: perfect competition wins on the two static efficiencies; monopoly may win on the dynamic one, and on economies of scale. Whether monopoly is bad therefore depends on: the size of the economies of scale, whether the profit is actually reinvested, how contestable the market is, and how effective the regulator is.
Tap a description, then tap the structure it fits.
Tap an item on the left, then its partner on the right.
Perfect competition. Price taker, AR = MR = P. Long run: P = MC = min AC → allocatively AND productively efficient, but no funds for R&D.
Monopoly. Price maker, P > MC. Barriers protect long-run supernormal profit. Static inefficiency vs possible dynamic efficiency and economies of scale.
Monopolistic competition. Differentiated product, low barriers → normal profit in the long run, with excess capacity.
Oligopoly. Few interdependent firms; CR₄ measures concentration; sticky prices (kinked demand); non-price competition; collusion tempting but unstable.
Game theory. Both firms have a dominant strategy to cheat → Nash equilibrium is jointly worse than collusion. Repetition can sustain cooperation.
Contestability. Low sunk costs → the THREAT of entry disciplines even a monopolist. Structure does not determine conduct.
You've now covered market structures from the OCR A-level Economics (H460) specification. Press Finish to see your score.
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